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Plaintiff Bar

Plaintiff Bar Gone Too Far

Looking for what to do next? Find out at the end of this article.

The plaintiffs’ bar arrived at its influential position not through traditional channels but through excesses piled on top of each other. It has a long record of extreme and ruthless behavior.

Buying Lawmakers

Members of the plaintiffs’ bar are generous contributors to political campaigns. Or, put another way, they use their wealth to exert significant influence on the lawmaking process in this country.

Few groups have as much political clout as the plaintiffs’ bar. The American Association for Justice is the fifth-ranking donor among group contributions. According to Center for Responsive Politics, an organization that tracks money in the political system, plaintiffs’ attorneys have given more than $31 million since the 1990 election cycle. That includes a high of $4.25 million in the 2002 cycle.

“A lobbying heavyweight, the association has been battling any attempt at tort reform, including recent proposals to cap awards in medical malpractice lawsuits,” says the Center for Responsive Politics’ Web site opensecrets.org.

“AAJ also lobbies Congress on any legislation that may inhibit the ability of consumers to bring lawsuits, particularly against health care providers, asbestos companies or insurance companies processing claims related to terrorism. The association favors Democrats, who oppose most attempts to initiate tort reform.”

Buying Laws

For all the cash the plaintiffs’ bar pours into the political process, it gets results.

  • In early 2009, Congress passed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act. The Point of Law blog said the law would invite a “flood of lawsuits on old, unprovable but potentially expensive claims that employers would find it hard to defend against.” The Wall Street Journal called it a potential “trial lawyer bonanza."
     
  • In 2008, the Washington Examiner reported that there were 48 separate pieces of federal legislation that were of benefit to the plaintiffs’ bar. The Examiner reported that of the 55 lead sponsors of the pro-plaintiffs’ lawyer legislation, “39 had received substantial” campaign donations from plaintiffs’ attorneys.
     
  • Plaintiffs’ lawyers have long lobbied for the ability to sue telecommunications companies for their participation in the anti-terrorism warrantless surveillance program.
     
  • The 2008 Renewable Energy and Job Creation Act cut taxes on lawyers.
     
  • The plaintiffs’ bar has lobbied hard for a $1.6 billion tax cut. The lawyers could get the break by immediately deducting from their taxes the money they spend in filing speculative lawsuits.
     
  • The plaintiffs’ bar has also successfully lobbied Congress to write bills that would increase the opportunities to file asbestos-related suits. Another bill, co-sponsored by lawmakers who received big donations from the plaintiffs’ bar, would make it easier to sue over commercial maritime accidents.

“It is really unprecedented what (the plaintiffs’ lobby) is doing” in regard to pressing its case for friendly laws, Ted Frank, legal analyst at the American Enterprise Institute said in 2008. “Every time I talk to somebody on the Hill, I learn about a new bill that has a giveaway for trial lawyers.”

Lawyers Getting Rich

Plaintiffs’ attorneys get a sizeable chunk of jury awards. In class-action suits, the plaintiffs, sometimes hundreds or thousands of them, typically get only 50 percent of the award or settlement.

In some cases, plaintiffs’ lawyers walk away with far more than the clients they represent. They get millions while the plaintiffs get pennies.

  • When Blockbuster settled a class-action suit in 2001, the lawyers got $9.3 million in fees. The plaintiffs, however, did not receive cash in the settlement. Each was offered certificates that good for free rentals and $1 off non-food items.
     
  • The plaintiffs in a case against Cheerios each took home a box of cereal. Their attorneys received nearly $2 million.
     
  • Every class member in a suit against the Bank of Boston was awarded $8.64 each. Each was charged $90 in attorney fees.
     
  • In 2002, the Columbia House record club settled two lawsuits that challenged the way it presented its shipping and handling charges by providing each class member a discount voucher for a single CD or tape. The company paid the lawyers more than $5 million.
     
  • When 300 plaintiffs’ attorneys reached a deal in 1998 with the tobacco companies on behalf of the government, they were awarded $30 billion.
     
  • When a class-action suit against Citibank was settled in 2004, lawyers walked away with $7.2 million. Some plaintiffs literally received a few cents, others a few dollars.

When Plaintiffs’ Lawyers Are Convicted

It doesn’t always end well for plaintiffs’ attorneys. In some cases, after years of raking in big paydays, lawyers have found themselves in prison

  • Dickie Scruggs, one of the richest plaintiffs’ attorneys in the country, was sentenced to five years in federal prison last year for conspiring to bribe a judge. Prosecutors said the Mississippi lawyer was looking for a favorable ruling in $26.5 million case and willing to pay a circuit court judge $50,000.

At the sentencing, U.S. District Judge Neal Biggers Jr. said he felt “perhaps this was not the first time you did this because you did it so easily. And there is evidence before the court that you have done it before." Scruggs pleaded guilty again in February 2009 to more bribery charges and was sentenced to seven years in prison.
     
  • Scruggs’ son Zach and Sidney Backstrom, a Scruggs partner, were also given federal prison sentences for their role in the bribery scheme. Scruggs was one of the lawyers involved in the 1998 tobacco settlement.
Steven Schulman, David Bershad, William Lerach and Melvyn Weiss pleaded guilty to a number of federal charges in 2008. The federal indictment said their firm secretly paid plaintiffs $11.4 million to file lawsuits. And, Fortune magazine reported in 2006, they repeatedly lied to the courts about doing so.
     
  • All four were partners in Milberg Weiss, now known a Milberg LLP, a large plaintiffs’ law firm based in New York City. In 2005, the firm was responsible for 57 percent of all securities class-action settlements. Weiss was sentenced to 30 months in prison and ordered to pay $10 million in restitution. Lerach received a two-year prison sentence. Bershad was sentenced to six months in federal prison. Schulman was sentenced to six months, as well.
     
  • Former Texas attorney general Dan Morales was sentenced to four years in federal prison in 2003. According to triallawyersinc.com, he “was accused of trying to funnel hundreds of millions of dollars from the Texas tobacco settlement to a friend and converting campaign contributions to personal use.” The Associated Press said Morales and his friend Marc Murr, a Houston attorney who lawyers argued “had done little work on the case,” tried “to fraudulently obtain hundreds of millions of dollars in legal fees from a state settlement with tobacco companies.”

Plaintiffs’ attorneys are known for their excesses in filing litigation. But their excesses clearly are not limited to lawsuits.
 

Now What Do We Do?

Foundation for Fair Civil Justice (FFCJ) exists to bring empowering programs and education to retired Americans and Americans on fixed incomes. 

  • Please take the time to sign up for our Fairness Matters e-newsletter, which will bring you news items right to your email that tell the ongoing story about the need for legal reform by clicking here.  We don’t share your email address with anyone – that’s important to us.

  • Learn more about the bread-and-butter, common sense need for legal reform and how lawsuit abuse affects you as a retired American or American on fixed income by listening to our “Let’s Be Fair” radio commentaries, hosted by FFCJ Senior Fellow Bob Dorigo Jones by clicking here

    Bob is a bestselling author and founder of the nationally profiled “Wacky Warning Label Contest,” which annually picks the wackiest warning labels on products to underscore the absurd lengths to which American business has to go in response to the threat of lawsuits.

     
  • Finally, we hope that FFCJ programming is a good investment for your business and for America!  Please take the time to invest in our work to protect you by making a tax-deductible contribution by clicking here.

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See All News Headlines > In the Headlines

Pension Pay-to-Play: Law Firms Gave Controllers Big Bucks, Then Got $518M in Fees From State Fund

10/08/09

ALBANY - Lawyers representing the state pension fund in class-action suits have raked in $518.7million in fees over the past 10 years, records show.

The hefty payouts, contingent on winning, are the main reason securities law firms have donated big bucks to state controllers over the years, critics contend.

“There is a problem with pay-to-play,” Columbia Law School Prof. John Coffee said. “The plaintiff law firms know that to be considered to be on the list of eligible firms, they have to ante up.”

Whocanisue.com Aggressively Seeks Plantiffs

10/13/09

Have you been bitten by a vicious dog? Been the victim of a surgical mishap? A sexual assault on a cruise ship? There’s a lawyer waiting for your call.

Boca Raton, Fla.-based whocanisue.com has scores of billboards and bus-shelter signs showing a lawyer slipping on a banana peel. The service matches Web site visitors with lawyers in a quick-and-easy form that takes just minutes to complete.

Dean says no tort reform because trial lawyers too intimidating

08/31/09

A moment of clarity from Howard Dean, courtesy of CNS News, who took this video at the town-hall forum of Rep. Jim Moran (D-VA). When an angry constituent wondered why a supposedly comprehensive “reform” of the health-care system doesn’t include tort reform to lower costs of malpractice insurance and reduce defensive medicine, Dean responds as “a doctor and a politician.” Apparently, neither has the courage to face the trial-lawyer lobby.


See All Opinions & Editorials >Opinions & Editorials

Trial Bar vs Tort Reform

Rep. Lamar Smith

(Politico.com) A recent op-ed in POLITICO by Anthony Tarricone, president of the American Association of Justice, describes the thousands of participants at hundreds of health care town halls as “angry mobs” scaring seniors with claims of death panels. He rushed to defend trial lawyers, who he claimed were being used as a “scapegoat for all America’s ills and woes.”

But my experience with the health care debate has been quite different from Tarricone’s tall tale. The thousands of people who attended my public forums were not angry mobs; they were concerned citizens exercising their constitutional rights. They did not scream, shout or attempt to burn trial lawyers at the stake. They came to express their views — as Americans in a democracy.

 

Defensive Medicine Takes a Financial Toll

Dr. Ogelsby Young

Total spending on medical malpractice was estimated at $30.4 billion in 2007. Although that is a substantial figure, those against medical-legal tort reform argue that it amounts to just over 1 percent of total U.S. health care spending. What they fail to recognize are the hidden costs of our medical-legal practice system - the indirect costs of defensive medicine.

All physicians would admit to ordering lab tests, recommending radiological studies and even performing procedures to avoid a lawsuit or better defend ourselves if we are sued.

Look no further than my specialty of obstetrics for a good example of defensive medicine. Our country’s cesarean section rate in 1970 was 5 percent. Today more than 30 percent of births are by cesarean section. Babies have not grown that much bigger! And, remarkably, the incidence of cerebral palsy has not changed during the 35 years of increasing cesarean section rates. Good science has shown that less than 10 percent of cerebral palsy has anything to do with events during labor and delivery. Regrettably, obstetricians have learned that our liability for the outcome of a birth is markedly reduced by performing a c-section. As one of my colleagues said, “We are never sued for the cesarean section we have done, but when we are sued it is often for the c-section we did not perform.”

Why Medical Malpractice is Off Limits

Phil Howard, Common Good

Eliminating defensive medicine could save upwards of $200 billion in health-care costs annually, according to estimates by the American Medical Association and others. The cure is a reliable medical malpractice system that patients, doctors and the general public can trust.

But this is the one reform Washington will not seriously consider. That’s because the trial lawyers, among the largest contributors to the Democratic Party, thrive on the unreliable justice system we have now.

Almost all the other groups with a stake in health reform—including patient safety experts, physicians, the AARP, the Chamber of Commerce, schools of public health—support pilot projects such as special health courts that would move beyond today’s hyper-adversarial malpractice lawsuit system to a court that would quickly and reliably distinguish between good and bad care.

The support for some kind of reform reflects a growing awareness among these groups that managing health care sensibly, including containing costs, is almost impossible when doctors go through the day thinking about how to protect themselves from lawsuits.

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